Date set for key Wentworth by-election | The Murray Valley Standard
Retiring MPs and Senators. Members of Parliament and Senators who have chosen not to renominate for the next election are as follows: House of Representatives. Electorate, Departing MP, Party, First elected, Date announced .. "Liberal senator Lucy Gichuhi relegated to unwinnable spot on SA preselection. Jan 30, NSW senator Arthur Sinodinos advocates a revamp of the way candidates are preselected for Liberal party contests. Marina Neil. But Hughes, who was . Its origins date back even further. When Robert Menzies formed the. Sep 12, A date in mid-October has been set for the crucial by-election in Malcolm in exchange for a safe spot on the Liberal Party's NSW Senate ticket. the best chance of being preselected when Liberal members meet at.
Section 57 of the Constitution is the so-called "deadlock" provision. If a bill is defeated, unacceptably amended or delayed by the Senate, and after a period of three months the same bill is defeated, unacceptably amended or delayed in the Senate, then the Prime Minister may request a dissolution and election for the House and the entire Senate, hence the term double dissolution.
There are further provisions for the holding of a joint sitting after a double dissolution election. There are currently no bills that meet the requirements to trigger a double dissolution. In addition, Section 57 states that a double dissolution cannot take place within six months of the expiry of the House, which means by the end of February There is not enough time before the cut-off in February for a bill to become the basis for a double dissolution.
Avoiding clashes with state elections and holidays The timing of the next election is complicated by fixed date elections set for the two largest states. The Victorian state election is set for Saturday November 24, It is possible to change the date if there is overlap with the federal campaign, but it would create significant costs for the Victorian Electoral Commission and logistical difficulties for the Australian Electoral Commission.
The Victorian election makes it much more likely that any federal election held this year would be in October. It is much more difficult for the NSW election date to be moved.
It can only be moved if the date of the federal election is announced before the NSW Legislative Assembly expires on 1 Marchallowing the NSW election to be pushed back into April. That largely rules out April as election month unless the Federal Government is prepared to overlap its campaign with the NSW election.
Mehreen Faruqi, wins preselection for the NSW Greens Senate ticket
A February election would be possible if the Government were prepared to announce an election in the normally somnolent summer holiday period. The last government leader to announce an election during the summer holidays was Queensland premier Campbell Newman inand that election turned out very badly for the government. Governments avoid election dates that fall in school holidays, mainly for logistical reasons to do with staffing polling places.
States will have school holidays in different weeks from late September though to early Octobera period that also coincides with football finals.
What month are elections normally held in? The graph below shows the months in which federal elections have been held. It shows that two-thirds of elections have been held in the last four months of the year between September and December. Graph of Federal Elections by Month While it is the month that has hosted most elections, holding elections in December has gone out of fashion. Retailers complain that December elections interfere with Christmas shopping.
In recent decades, the latest date used has been November 24, used by John Howard in In the last century, only eight elections have been held in the first half of the year.
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All were a consequence of double dissolutions. The April double dissolution election was responsible for the May half-senate election and the May House election. The next two first half elections were the and double dissolutions. The July double dissolution election was responsible for theand elections being held in March.
If an election is held in the first half ofit will also be a consequence of the decision to hold a double dissolution election in July The decision in to move the federal budget forward from August to May now works against holding elections in the first half of the year.
After winning the election, John Howard had to defer his first budget to Augustand in Howard returned elections to the second half of the year. What about the Budget?
If an election is held in Maythere cannot be a budget unless the Government brings it forward to March. Much more likely is that the Government will announce a deferral of the budget until after the election.
As ina supply bill would have to be introduced before the dissolution to cover the normal services of government until the post-election resumption of Parliament. The economic and financial statements prepared as part of the budget would still be released, but at the start of the election campaign under the provisions of the Charter of Budget Honesty.
Can the Prime Minister call the election now? The Prime Minister can visit the Governor-General at any time and nominate a date for an election for the House and half the Senate. This would be announced at a press conference a day or two before all the formal procedures to initiate an election.
The formal procedures are that a proclamation will be issued dissolving the House or Representatives, declaring all seats vacant for election. The Governor-General with advice from the Executive Council will then issue writs for the House and for the election of Territory Senators. The issue of writs for state Senate elections is undertaken by state governors on the advice of state governments. The minimum campaign period, from the issue of the writs to polling day, is 33 days.
The maximum is 58 days.
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The normal practice is for the dissolutions and writ issue to take place on a Monday for a Saturday 33 days later. The press conference announcing the election is usually held between the Friday and Sunday before the writs are issued on the Monday. If the Government goes for an election campaign longer than the minimum 33 days, the timing of announcement and the issue of writs is not tied to the above Friday to Monday timetable.
Could the PM call an election to stop a leadership challenge? Constitutions are written to deal with normal circumstances. They are not written to deal with prime ministers or governors-general who go mad. A federal election is a major logistical exercise for the Australian Electoral Commission, but also for political parties and candidates. The idea that Malcolm Turnbull would call an election without talking to the Liberal Party's organisational wing is far-fetched.
Candidates of the Australian federal election - Wikipedia
Calling an election without telling his own party would remove the Government's most important advantage going into an election — knowledge of timing. Talking to the party organisation about calling an election would tip off the Prime Minister's party opponents that an election was about to be called. On Tuesday this week the Prime Minister defeated a vote of no confidence in the House of Representatives, which confirms his role as chief adviser to the Governor-General.
But the office of the Governor-General monitors the media. Were the Prime Minister to call an election to avoid being deposed by his party, the Governor-General would be bound to follow that advice, but would be aware of what was occurring. The early election request might be delayed by obfuscation and prevarication from Yarralumla.
Tom Hughes is father-in-law of Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, who favours the legalisation of same-sex marriage — the issue du jour in contemporary Australian sexual politics. This is more so now that the man he ejected from the prime-ministership, Tony Abbott, has announced he will recontest his own Sydney north shore seat of Warringah in federal elections likely to be held in September-October this year, and then days later sharpened the same-sex marriage issue by calling for a defence of the traditional institution of marriage.
NSW senator Arthur Sinodinos advocates a revamp of the way candidates are preselected for Liberal party contests. Marina Neil Abbott is opposed to same sex-marriage, ditto the republic, and once memorably described climate change as "absolute crap". Echoes down the corridors of political history to the current day don't stop there.
The focus of Jim Cameron's morals crusade — the safe Liberal seat of Berowra — is, 44 years later, one of four federal Liberal-held seats in NSW which are, one way or another, affected by the nasty outbreak of internecine warfare among state Liberals. Advertisement The issues, personalities, histories and factions, are more complex than a simple right-versus-left political matrix model can encompass, but that is how they are being publicly refracted. Complicating matters, key players by and large insist on talking "off the record".
These conversations are replete — on both sides — with spectacular claims about threats, broken promises, intimidation, corruption, cover-ups, and mendacity, on a grand scale. They enter a parallel rhetorical universe, one where opponents are described as "extreme left" remember, these people are also members of the Liberal Party or, just as egregiously, "extreme right".
He became federal attorney-general in the Gorton government and advocated decriminalisation of gay sex. A former minister in the state government led by the small-l Liberal Premier Nick Greiner, and later by the more middle-of-the-road John Fahey, Photios emerges as a Darth Vader figure in current off-the-record briefings from members of the party's right. A registered lobbyist, he was removed from the powerful NSW Liberal Party state executive at the insistence of then prime minister Abbott — a factional opponent.
This was after Abbott banned political lobbyists from holding executive positions in the party. Photios strikes fear Asked to comment, Photios said: His enemies on the right talk darkly of the "Photios business model", where they claim that as the leader of the party's moderate wing he can secure privileged access for his PremierState firm's clients with senior figures in the NSW Liberal government.
But on-the-record examples are thin on the ground, possibly due to concerns about potentially alienating valuable business support. Meanwhile, as a federal election year cycle gets under way in earnest, tensions remain high for the Liberal Party in Australia's most populous state.
But this is also the party's politically most successful state. Moreover, Australia is being led by a Liberal prime minister from Sydney who is also, according to the polls, enormously popular.
NSW is also in the fifth year of a Liberal-led coalition government, with Sydney's own Mike Baird an enormously popular premier. At the same time, the contest between the so-called "moderates" and the "hard" and "soft" right has reached one of its most intense points in a history of faction fighting which, as the Tom Hughes-Berowra story attests, goes back decades. Its origins date back even further. In a state where the mid-'50s split in the Labor Party did not have the same devastating consequences for the ALP as it had in Victoria, this meant many conservative, socially rigid Catholics opted for membership of the Liberal Party.
At the same time, an extreme rightwing former propagandist for the pro-Nazi wartime government in Slovenia, Lyenko Urbanchich, became a leading member of the NSW Liberal Party's hard-right faction, known as The Uglies. Despite official moves to expel him from the party, Urbanchich survived and worked hard with David Clarke, a conservative Catholic solicitor, and a Liberal member of the NSW Upper House, to recruit new members to the Uglies faction.
It never had the unifying glue provided by party founder Robert Menzies, or the unifying non-Labor history represented by another Victorian political giant, three-times prime minister Alfred Deakin. But the power of the hard right — led by David Clarke, with his staff member, and potential parliamentary candidate, Alex Hawke, as his gauleiter, rose.
Clarke, Hawke and their supporters organised huge membership drives in Sydney and throughout NSW, adding to the right's power. But a bitter dispute between Hawke and Clarke over membership recruitment in effectively ended the hard right's grip on the NSW party machine. Hawke and his supporters peeled away and formed the so called "soft right" faction.