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Terri Sewell, a Democrat of Alabama, stands before a printout of a social media post that targeted Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.
Sewell spoke during a House Intelligence Committee hearing last November. For example, one post from June targeted Facebook users in the Washington, DC, area who were age 16 to 53 and interested in Hillary Clinton or the Muslim Brotherhood.
About 1, people saw the ad, and 94 ended up clicking on it. That's not counting the million Americans who saw 80, "organic" posts from supposed Facebook users who actually worked for the IRAFacebook said in October.
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Those posts generated millions of views without the IRA having to pay Facebook a single cent or a ruble. The House Intelligence Committee members said they expect to make those posts public in the future. But we are making steady progress," Facebook said in a statement Thursday.
Facebook said it's taken a number of actions since its advertising fiasco unfolded. The company has updated its ads policy, requiring political content to be verified and labeled. That feature is already available in Canada and Ireland and will launch globally in June, according to Facebook.
Facebook makes much of its money by selling hyper-targeted ads. CEO Mark Zuckerberg told Congress in April that companies pay Facebook to direct content to people they believe will buy their products. From the summaries about the Russia-backed ads, it appears the IRA knew just how effective that targeting algorithm is -- not just for selling products, but for stirring up political issues.
In a sponsored post from AprilRussian operatives posed as "Black Matters," urging people to vote for Bernie Sanders, the Vermont senator who was then competing against Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries.
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That ad cost 2, It got 46, views, and 5, clicks. Other posts by Black Matters would target people who read BlackNews. Facebook said it has since removed nearly one-third of the terms that the IRA used to target audiences. Russian operatives set up events like anti-Trump protests or pro-Muslim rallies and promoted them on Facebook. In some scenarios, they would set up both a protest and a counterprotesthoping to lead to conflict in real life.
Between andthey created events, which were viewed by more thanpeople.
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About 62, Facebook users said they would attend. By that point, Russia was already broadcasting its strong preference for Trump through the media. Yet when news of the hacking broke, nobody raised the faintest suspicions that Russia wished to alter the outcome of the election, let alone that Trump or anybody connected with him might have been in cahoots with a foreign power. It was a third-rate cyberburglary. Nothing to see here. The unfolding of the Russia scandal has been like walking into a dark cavern.
Every step reveals that the cave runs deeper than we thought, and after each one, as we wonder how far it goes, our imaginations are circumscribed by the steps we have already taken.
The cavern might go just a little farther, we presume, but probably not much farther. And since trying to discern the size and shape of the scandal is an exercise in uncertainty, we focus our attention on the most likely outcome, which is that the story goes a little deeper than what we have already discovered.
Say, that Donald Trump Jr. A minority of analysts, mostly but not exclusively on the right, have promoted aggressively exculpatory interpretations of the known facts, in which every suspicious piece of evidence turns out to have a surprisingly innocent explanation.
And it is possible, though unlikely, that every trail between Trump Tower and the Kremlin extends no farther than its point of current visibility. What is missing from our imagination is the unlikely but possible outcome on the other end: After all, treating a small probability as if it were nonexistent is the very error much of the news media made in covering the presidential horse race. And while the body of publicly available information about the Russia scandal is already extensive, the way it has been delivered — scoop after scoop of discrete nuggets of information — has been disorienting and difficult to follow.
A case like this presents an easy temptation for conspiracy theorists, but we can responsibly speculate as to what lies at the end of this scandal without falling prey to their fallacies. Conspiracy theories tend to attract people far from the corridors of power, and they often hypothesize vast connections within or between governments and especially intelligence agencies.
One of the oddities of the Russia scandal is that many of the most exotic and sinister theories have come from people within government and especially within the intelligence field.
In the summer ofRobert Hannigan, head of the U. The contents of these communications have not been disclosed, but what Brennan learned obviously unsettled him profoundly.
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In congressional testimony on Russian election interference last year, Brennan hinted that some Americans might have betrayed their country. The Russians may have something on him personally that they could always roll out and make his life more difficult. Suppose we are currently making the same mistake we made at the outset of this drama — suppose the dark crevices of the Russia scandal run not just a little deeper but a lot deeper.
It would mean that when Special Counsel Robert Mueller closes in on the president and his inner circle, possibly beginning this summer, Trump may not merely rail on Twitter but provoke a constitutional crisis. And it would mean the Russia scandal began far earlier than conventionally understood and ended later — indeed, is still happening. As Trump arranges to meet face-to-face and privately with Vladimir Putin later this month, the collusion between the two men metastasizing from a dark accusation into an open alliance, it would be dangerous not to consider the possibility that the summit is less a negotiation between two heads of state than a meeting between a Russian-intelligence asset and his handler.
Congress releases all 3,000-plus Facebook ads bought by Russians
A crazy quilt of connections. Click or tap to zoom in. Getty Images It is often said that Donald Trump has had the same nationalistic, zero-sum worldview forever. Yes, his racism and mendacity have been evident since his youth, but those who have traced the evolution of his hypernationalism all settle on one year in particular: There are only a couple of examples of him commenting on world politics before then.