Secular: In a Sentence – WORDS IN A SENTENCE
ignominy in a sentence yahoo dating Dear Real Jew News Family, I am about The Secularism in India means treatment of all religions equally by Hot Dating. Aug 4, adivinanzas para mal pensados yahoo dating horticulture, politics, a statesman , author, inventor, a secular Renaissance man a humanist. act. To be secular is to maintain a naturalistic worldview in which belief in anything is always proportioned to the evidence available.
But Kurt Andersen, in his indispensable guide to American irrationality, Fantasylandtraces contemporary faith healing to the advent of the charismatic, ecstatic form of Christian worship known as Pentecostalism.
Such as the flu. Andersen notes that this is not a practice confined to right-wing Christians. Seeking to cure cancer by praying is not more or less implausible than using crystals for the purpose.
Morally, this is deplorable. How does he do it? The Bible verses that Copeland cites in support of her practice were written at a time when the human body was a black box, and there was no inherent reason to doubt that Jesus could raise someone from the dead. Bythough, when Oral Roberts made the same claim for himselfit was understood that restoring a corpse to life requires reversing a whole cascade of cellular processes for which there is no known, or even conceivable, mechanism.
Does God go through each of the trillions of cells in a human body and jump-start the mitochondria? Still, between coughing fits last week, I wondered: Could Copeland be on to something? I had relied on medical science to ward off the flu, and I got sick anyway. What does science have to say about prayer as a form of medical prophylaxis? It is part of the greatness of the scientific method that this question can be asked, and, within the limits of our present-day knowledge, answered.
The first statistical study of so-called intercessory prayer was published in by the eminent Victorian scientist Sir Francis Galtonwho noted that, notwithstanding the millions of prayers regularly offered in European countries for the health of their respective royal families, on average royals actually died younger — 64 years — than clergymen, lawyers, military officers, or members of all other genteel professions, excluding deaths by accident or violence.
I rest my case. You can read an analysis by David R. Hodge of Arizona State University hereand another here. What seemed to Galton like a straightforward question of statistics turns out to pose all kinds of research conundrums. What kinds of prayer should be studied, and by whom? For what kinds of disease? Should the people prayed for be told in advance, and is their informed consent required? There were three regions northern, eastern, and western and the Federal Capital Territory.
The northern region particularly championed a policy of regionalism, which was essentially aimed at weakening the centre and strengthening the regions, the objective of which was to promote peculiar regional tendencies, particularly adherence to Islamic law. In spite of the relative regional autonomy, the legal system was unified and cast in a constitutional framework which gave pre-eminence to the secular legal order, while subjecting all other laws to the unified control of the secular federal Supreme Court and, ultimately, the Crown.
Accordingly, the judicial structure that was adopted during the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates in was retained with modification.
There was a Federal Supreme Court, which was presided over by a Chief Justice of the Federation, while each region then northern, eastern, and western regions had a high court presided over by a Chief Justice. Appeals from each of the high courts of the regions went to the Federal Supreme Court, while appeals from Magistrate Courts, Customary or Native Courts Grade A went to the regional high courts. Although customary law was still applicable in secular courts, its legitimacy was contingent upon the validity test established by the Native Courts Proclamation of Similarly, although a Sharia Court of Appeal was established for the northern region, by Section of the Constitution, appeals from the Sharia Court of Appeal lay before the Federal Supreme Court—which was a secular court, established under Section of the Constitution.
In terms of the sources of Nigerian law, the common law of England, the doctrines of equity, and the statutes of general application, applicable to Nigeria beforewere to be administered in the courts in so far as local circumstances permitted.
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Thus three sources of law were applicable in Nigeria courts—English law, customary law, and sharia law—although sharia law was considered by the British as part of customary law. On the other hand, the contradictions inherent in the very nature of Islamic law and political theory 36 predictably generated serious resistance from northern Muslims, who saw secularity and secular institutions as atheistic and against the very foundation of Islam.
Although the conflict between Islamic legal and political values and the Western colonial principles was tolerated by the northern establishment under colonialism, these contradictions became relevant shortly after independence. The conflict between Islamic and secular law in northern Nigeria was in place before independence. The colonial native courts in the region, which were in most cases presided over by Alkalis local judges who applied Islamic lawhad their decisions sometimes quashed on appeal to the regional high courts on the basis of repugnancy.
The hallelujah cure: Trump campaign adviser says pray away the flu
Before the West Africa Court of Appeal, the conviction was quashed and the sentence set aside. In the opinion of the court, whenever a native court tries any person for any offence defined in the Criminal Code, it is bound to follow the Code to the exclusion of Islamic law or native law and custom. Similarly, in Maizabo v Sokoto Native Authority 41 it was held that though a native court had power to try a case under native law and custom—Islamic law then considered as native law, it could not impose a sentence higher than what the accused would have received had his case been tried under the provisions of the criminal code.
Thus the British bequeathed to a unified Nigeria a seemingly secular system of government, albeit with deeply segmented religious cleavages, reflected in its institutional configuration. Several factors underlie the resistance of northern Muslims to secularism after independence. As noted earlier, the British colonialists themselves sought to protect this political and legal order for reasons of imperial convenience, until it became obvious that an Islamic legal order would not serve the commercial interest of Western merchants, particularly after independence.
Unfortunately for Britain, its change of mind at the twilight of colonialism was too little too late, as the sudden introduction of Western secularism introduced a contradiction that would challenge the Islamic way of life and, therefore sow a seed of instability in the new state. This is because Islam under sharia is conceived by Muslims as an amalgam of political, religious, social, and economic life of Muslims, and even more.
An emergent secular regime that sought to separate religion from state affairs was therefore problematic to the northern oligarchs, who were accustomed to the fusion of political, economic, and spiritual roles under an Islamic regime.
As demonstrated below, this contradiction is clearly and consistently asserted by Nigerian Muslims in their quest for an Islamic political and legal order. Islam does not admit a narrow view of religion by restricting it within the limits of worship, specific rituals and spiritual beliefs.
In its precise meaning, Islam is not only a religion; it is also a way of life that regulates all the aspects of life on the scale of the individual and the nation.
Islam is a social order, philosophy of life, a system of economic rules and government. A Christian for instance may be prepared, in the notion of giving to Caesar and God what respectively belong to them, to limit his right to religious freedom to matters of faith and worship only. A person from the West may also be contented with the western compartmentalization of life into religious and temporal. This is because his spiritual and moral worth is tested against his daily interaction with others at the congregational prayers, in marital union, in the pursuit of his legitimate livelihood and in the holding of public responsibilities, amongst others.
Second, northern Muslims have had an obstinate adherence to the traditional philosophy of power and leadership that existed in pre-independence caliphate, a philosophy that associated governance with rulership in the traditional mould of the caliphatorial oligarchy. Accordingly, the transition from an Anglo-Fulani colonial northern government to a modern democratic Nigeria based on egalitarianism came to the northern oligarchy as a rude shock.
This political jolt was essentially based on a previous perception of power as an exclusive preserve of the emirs and the nobles, as well as the reality of a new nation that sought to create a distinction between political and religious authority. Consequently, when the new class of northern oligarchs engaged in political activities, it did so within the limits of the concept of power in Hausa society, a concept guided by a hierarchically stratified society, with the emir at the top.
Given that the social organization of the caliphate recognized the fusion of political and religious authority, the post-colonial Hausa-Fulani political elite continued, albeit informally, to associate religion with politics in the new political order, thereby creating an unhealthy tradition of politicizing religion and instrumentalizing it for political mobilization.
Under the new political dispensation, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, a caliphatorial prince, became the premier of the northern region, the de jure political leader of northern Nigeria, while the Sultan of Sokoto remained the de facto leader of the Muslim community in the north.
This unorthodox arrangement, by caliphatorial standards, created a gulf between the two personalities, as Islam hitherto provided political legitimacy to the political leader in the caliphate. This motivation led him into an ambitious Islamization campaign in the region and beyond, he allied with the Arab Islamic world in the process, attracting praise from that region as a champion of Islam and drawing millions of dollars from there in support of the faith in Nigeria.
In addition, the Islamic faith became a source of political patronage. For northern Nigerians, therefore, attainment of political power as well as advancement in the Public Service and the Military were intricately tied to Islam and association with the faith. Thus de jure, religion was separated from politics, but de facto, it remained a veritable source of political legitimacy in the north before the end of the first republic. Between Secularity and Spirituality: Situating the Nigerian State A.
The terms secularity and secularism have undergone intense scrutiny by various scholars, institutions, or groups seeking to conceptualize distinctions and impose definitions on the terms. Although scholars have established a distinction between secularity and secularism, these concepts are commonly regarded as meaning the same thing: The words derive from the Latin, saeculum, which means both this age and this world, and combines a spatial sense and a temporal sense.
Using secular in a sentence?
In the Middle Ages, secular referred to priests who worked out in the world of local parishes, as opposed to priests who took vows of poverty and secluded themselves in monastic communities. In all of these instances, the secular indicates a distancing from the sacred, the eternal, and the otherworldly. In the centuries that followed the secular began to separate itself from religious authority. In terms of typologies, the soft and hard correspondingly moderate and strict variants of secularity and secularism have been identified.
Kosmin used the historical divergence between the French and American revolutions to construct the theoretical divergence between soft and hard secularism. According to him, the French revolution, which was anchored on a joint struggle against despotism, religion, the monarchy, and the Roman Catholic Church ie the French Jacobin traditionwas unreservedly antagonistic to religion and therefore promoted atheism. In fact, the majority are liberal religionists.
For the soft secularist, religion is properly a private lifestyle option, which must not threaten liberty and social harmony in a differentiated and pluralistic society. On the other hand, soft secularism safeguards guarantee the right to freedom of worship and religion to all persons, both leaders and the led, thereby protecting the rights of religious minorities.
Such a soft secularism, therefore, seeks to significantly reduce religious influence in public life, while at the same time guaranteeing freedom of religion and conscience to individuals and groups in the private realm. A nation state could therefore adopt the hard strict variant of secularism or the soft moderate form. Nevertheless, in such systems religious symbols and connotations are commonly used in public institutions, while religious beliefs are widely considered a relevant part of the political discourse in many of these countries.
This is true of the United States, for instance, where religious sentiments are brought to bear on issues of abortion, euthanasia, same-sex marriage, etc. Thus even the soft or moderate conception of secularism is vehemently opposed by religious organizations as a threat to spirituality and a gradual recession to atheism. Accordingly, a middle-of-the-road approach which seeks the limited integration of religion into the public realm what I refer to as moderate or concessional secularism 63 is hereby suggested as the most appropriate strategy.
Is Nigeria a Secular State? Anyone saying Nigeria is a secular nation does not understand the meaning of the word secular. There is nothing secular about the Nigerian nation since whatever we do will always put Islam and Christianity in the fore front.
On the one hand, the Nigerian Christian community, particularly its leadership, has consistently held the view that the divine state has universally given way to the secular state, where the temporal secular ruler enjoys full autonomy as ruler with no control from religious or spiritual authorities.
If you want to bring religion in, let it be after office hours. It seeks to undermine Islamic values, supplant the Islamic laws with those of its own and deface the sanctity of the Muslim society.
Afterwards, an evaluation of these laws is made against the de facto relationship between religion and the state. This analysis attempts to isolate what ought to be from what is the actual relationship between religion and the Nigerian state.
The starting point, therefore, is to identify the characteristics of secularism in a constitutional democracy. Wing and Varol exhaustively circumscribed the attributes of secularism in the following passage: First, in secular regimes, sovereignty belongs to the nation and not to a divine body ….
Second, religion is separate from the State in a secular government. Third, a secular government is neutral towards all religions. As such, the regime cannot have an official religion and does not protect one religion over another. Likewise, all individuals, irrespective of their religion, are equal before the law.
Fourth, a secular regime requires the education and the legal systems to be secular. The legal system does not contain laws based on religion, and the education system is based on logic and science, not religion or dogmas.
Fifth, a secular government requires freedom of religion and conscience.