Pashtuns - Wikipedia
The vast majority of Pashtuns live in an area stretching from western Pakistan to the initial ethnic stratum of the Pashtun ethnogenesis, dates from the . Young Pashtun men in Nangarhar province, in eastern Afghanistan. Men carry the economic burden of the family and often have to 'Dating', as is understood in Western terms, is rarely permissible in Afghanistan. Instead, it is. Many of the prominent Pashtun men who currently engage in bacha bazi Going forward, the strong Western moral aversion to pedophilia will.
In the late s, Pashtuns became known for being the primary ethnic group comprised by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan Taliban regime. The Taliban regime was ousted in late during the US-led War in Afghanistan and replaced with the Karzai administration. Many high-ranking government officials in Afghanistan are Pashtuns, including: The list of current governors of Afghanistanas well as the parliamentarians in the House of the People and House of Eldersinclude large percentage of Pashtuns.
Pashtuns - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History
Many of the non-Pashtun groups in Afghanistan have adopted the Pashtun culture and use Pashto as a second language. For example, many leaders of non-Pashtun ethnic groups in Afghanistan practice Pashtunwali to some degree and are fluent in Pashto language.
Ghulam Mohammad became the Governor-General of Pakistan from to Others became famous in sports e. Pashtun families are historically accustomed to watching Indian films and dramas. In addition, one of India's former presidents, Zakir Hussainbelonged to the Afridi tribe.
Pashtun people - New World Encyclopedia
This genetic affinity and gene flow suggests interactions that could have existed since at least the establishment of the region's first civilizations at the Indus Valley and the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex. Our results also indicate that inter-Afghan differentiation started during the Bronze Age, probably driven by the formation of the first civilizations in the region.
According to Khan AM et al. The most prominent views are: Pashtuns are predominantly an Eastern Iranian peoplewho use Pashto as their first languageand live in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
From onward, as turmoil and revolution disrupted the Afghan ruling class, Pashtuns in the Peshawar valley gradually lost direct political connections to Afghan rulers in Kabul.
Inthe expanding Sikh kingdom under Ranjit Singh in Lahore occupied Peshawar, pushing out Afghan forces and allies. Although Afghan rulers still claimed that their natural territory ran east to the Indus, British colonial armies defeated the Sikhs in They occupied the Sikh-held territories west of the Indus, including the Peshawar Valley as well as other agrarian areas and lowlands settled by Pashtun clans. By the end of the 19th century, Pashtun populations lived in politically fragmented and challenged homelands.
The Afghan state was being ruthlessly centralized by Amir Abdur Rahman r. Such colonial era control and policing structures survived into the 21st century as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and reformed Frontier Crimes Regulation of Pakistan. The war forced the British to cede their control over Afghan foreign policy maintained since the Second Afghan War. Although the Khilafat Movement ultimately failed, Pashtun activists in this movement, including Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan Bacha Khanfrom a landlord family in the Peshawar Valley, developed links with other anticolonial activists, the Indian National Congress Party leadership, and Gandhi.
Afghanistan would serve as a refuge for leftists, Islamists, and nationalists in exile from Indian provinces. InPashtuns were again involved in Afghan dynastic change as Amanullah, the ruler in Kabul, miscalculated the pace of his reform agendas and generated conservative and religious opposition.
He and his dynasty were overthrown. Muhammad Nadir Khan, an exiled Afghan former minister, ambassador, and military leader, mobilized eastern border Afghan Pashtun militias and marched with his brothers on Kabul from British India. They seized the court from a non-Pashtun claimant, Habibullah Kalakani r. January—October, and installed a new dynasty, the Musahibans. Nadir Khan became Nadir Shah r. Political disruption soon appeared east of the Durand Line as the anticolonial civil disobedience movement of Gandhi and the Indian Congress emerged in the NWFP from within a Pashtun mobilization effort.
It published a Pashto language paper, Pukhtun, ran Pashto medium schools, and pursued village-based change with a commitment to nonviolence.
InKhudai Khidmatgar mass demonstrations generated province-wide, violent repression by colonial authorities. When events led Pashtun borderland communities to gather traditional militias, lashkars, and to surge into the Jamrud plains west of Peshawar to threaten the city, the British dispersed them with air attacks.
Pro-Pashtunistan statements from the government-controlled Afghan press in Kabul were also seen as efforts to sabotage the newborn Pakistan. No choice would be given for an alternative political structure offering some degree of Pashtun regional autonomy.
Bacha Khan spent years in prisons under the British, then years in detention in independent Pakistan. At his death in January at the age of 98, he was buried at his request at his home in Jalalabad, Afghanistan.
The politics of language use became crucial in such Pakistani national and Pashtun regional claims to authority. To what extent would English remain the language of administration, the courts, and elite access to higher education and international contacts?
Different administrations in the NWFP would make choices about teaching in the Pashto language for a few years to lower-level students, or making Pashto study an elective course. The content of Pashto language primary school textbooks would be adjusted to reflect such priorities.
Pashtuns in Pakistan might speak Pashto at home but never learn to read or write in their mother tongue. PhD candidates at the University of Peshawar struggled to write dissertations in English, their third language after Pashto and Urdu. Kabul, striving to stay independent from Cold War competitors, accepted development aid from the Soviet Union and the United States and military hardware and officer training from the Soviets.
Relations with the new state of Pakistan were fraught even as Pakistan controlled, and occasionally suspended, overland access for Afghan trade imports coming by rail and road from the port of Karachi. Pashtun borderland communities east of the Durand Line from the Khyber Pass to Waziristan were welcomed into Pakistan by leaders promising development aid and the withdrawal of military garrisons from colonial posts.
Borderland Pashtuns on both sides of the Durand Line negotiated for advantage in the competition between the nation-states.
Subsidies from Kabul encouraged Pashtunistan flag raisings and lashkar encampments of pro-Pashtunistan Pashtuns, especially in the Khyber Pass Afridi clan areas. Into the s, occasional Pakistani air force strikes would target such armed groups, and outcries were raised in the Afghan press when border Pashtun villages suffered casualties. In the s and s, the legitimacy and stability of the Afghan ruling court weakened.
Economic development and political constitutional reform efforts were mismanaged and were never allowed to weaken the fundamental control by the dynasty over resources and institutions of power.
New education policies had unintended effects; Kabul University nurtured activist parties of communists, Islamists, and anti-dynasty nationalists. Women took party and new public roles. Pashtun secular and religious leaders in the university faculty and student body joined different party organizations and factions that clashed among themselves as they demonstrated against the government.
Several individuals from this period would remain politically engaged well into the 21st century. Pashtun nationalist political parties, allied with regional and leftist coalitions, were marginalized, and were repressed by authoritarian methods.
In the s, the Bhutto government in Pakistan campaigned with promises of revolutionary development in the border Tribal areas, but again, lesser resources were allocated or spent. Many border residents remained suspicious of road builders and resource surveyors. Tribal agency Pashtun clan leaders receiving subsidies often collaborated in maintaining support for colonial legacy political systems.
With the loss of East Pakistan and the western oil crisis and economic boom in the Middle East oil states after the Arab—Israeli war, Pakistan Prime Minister Zulfiqar Bhutto initiated a strategic shift in national diplomatic focus. The second meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference was held in Lahore in February Pakistanis, including a disproportionately high percentage of Pashtuns, began flowing to the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, to work as doctors, engineers, businessmen, merchants, technicians, and laborers.
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Afterin any one year, hundreds of thousands of Pashtuns from Afghanistan and Pakistan worked in the Gulf oil states. Bhutto tried to assert central control over the western provinces and deployed the military to repress Baloch political dissidents. Earlier, border Frontier Corps Commandant Babar had supported the training of Afghan dissidents to weaken the Kabul government calling for Pashtunistan. Zia had him executed in April Incosmopolitan leftist Afghans, including many of Pashtun and borderland heritage, seized power in Kabul and introduced Soviet-modeled social and economic reform policies and political imagery that quickly generated resistance, murderous repression, a flow of refugees to Iran and Pakistan, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
April 30, —September 14, and Hafizullah Amin r. September 14—December 27, In Bombay, he apparently met Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Inhe served for a few months in the Afghan Embassy in Washington, D.
Inthe Soviet army replaced the Khalq-dominated government with one led by Babrak Karmal r. In the Soviet—Afghan war —a country of perhaps fifteen million before the war may have suffered a million killed, 1.
Perhaps two million were internally displaced within Afghanistan. An estimated one to two million Afghans settled in Iran, three to four million fled to Pakistan, and hundreds of thousands left for the Middle East, India, Europe, and the United States.
Such numbers were difficult to quantify or comprehend. Most Afghan refugees to Pakistan were Pashtuns of the eastern and southern provinces.
Pashtun traditions of hospitality and refuge eased such catastrophic disruption.
Over several years, major refugee camps around Peshawar became official centers for Pakistani and international aid distribution and refugee access to available health care and education. Western-supported and independent Afghan media efforts included the Afghan Information Center, which released periodic newsletters and reports.
A Kabul University Dean and professor of philosophy and religion, Sayyid Bahauddin Majrooh, in exile in Peshawar after the Soviet invasion, released through the AIC the details of a poll of refugees from the camps in which more of those polled preferred the return of the former king, Zahir Shah, to rule in Kabul than any of the leaders of the seven so-called mujahideen holy warrior parties.
In FebruaryMajrooh was assassinated at the gate of his home. The relationships established along the border between Pakistan authorities, Afghan Islamist groups, and international funders and volunteers continued informally and formally over the following decades. Hundreds of thousands of Pashtuns who settled in Karachi during the war were one large contingent of millions of Pashtuns who would continue to migrate to the city and would be entangled in the economic and political struggles that damaged the city from the s into the second decade of the 21st century.
Hekmatyar, remained active in Afghan politics. Rabbani, as early asthey had been part of the Afghan Ikhwan al-Muslimin with links to the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. One northern Uzbek militia leader and military general for the Afghan communist government, Abdul Rashid Dostum, would be elected Afghan Vice-President in the elections. All Afghans suffered during the Soviet—Afghan war and after the Soviet army withdrew in February when fighting continued to overthrow the Afghan communist government in Kabul led by Dr.
September 30, —April 16, The enduring value of a Pashtun heritage was shown when in the late and post-Soviet period Dr. Najib, pursuing national reconciliation policies, presented a fuller name, Najibullah Ahmadzai, to emphasize newly valued Islamic and Pashtun nationalist credentials.Things You Should Know When Dating AFRICAN Men #1
He took asylum in a UN office in Kabul after his government collapsed in Thinking he would be spared by fellow eastern Ghilzai Pashtuns, he refused to flee Kabul in as the Taliban approached the city. He and his brother were executed by the Taliban September 28, The first movie shot in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban in late was the story of a young girl who took the identity of a boy, Osama, so that she could work and support her family in Kabul under Taliban rule. The Taliban, clear occupiers of Kabul, were dominated by Pashto-speaking, Sunni Muslim, southern, eastern, rural Pashtun recruits.
The city, which had survived intact until the fall of the communist government, had been badly damaged by factional fighting among the seven mujahideen parties and various ethnic and sectarian militias. Many of the Taliban were young men raised in borderland religious schools madrasas run by the Pakistan supported factions or by other Islamist groups.
The film Osama illustrates ways in which Taliban interpretations of Islamic law and social norms were heavily informed by Pashtun customary social practices and patriarchal gender relations. It was no surprise that after the fall of the Taliban regime in Novembereven under a new government, many women continued to wear the burka and remained subject to forced marriages, sexual abuse, and little education or health care.